War is an act of force - this we know all too well. No player
can expect to win a game of Diplomacy without bringing some measure
of force to bear on his opponents. What too many people overlook
is that war does not exist for itself, but only has validity as
a tool to do a job - namely, to compel our opponents to do our
will. Italy should never undertake a war with Turkey merely to
win a war; rather, Italy must decide that such a war is necessary
to convince Turkey to accept a specific condition, for example
to ensure that Turkish fleets do not establish a presence within
the Mediterranean. Once Turkey has been compelled to give up
the ability to project her fleet presence into the Mediterranean,
this particular war has achieved its goals, and should not be
merely continued for form's sake.
This is, in effect, an even stronger statement of the point above,
and is included only because this point is so important to a serious
discussion of Diplomacy, yet so often ignored in the heat of battle.
We cannot stress enough that a war should never be undertaken
for its own sake, but only insofar as it furthers our political
goal. The first goal should therefore be to define our political
goal, and our second to determine when a given war no longer helps
us to achieve that goal. Obviously, the ultimate goal for any
player of Diplomacy is to be the first Power to control 18 supply
centers. However, this only becomes the primary goal in the later
stages of the game. As concerns the opening of the game, each
power has two primary goals - to assure continued survival and
to ensure a possible route of future expansion. Within those broad
definitions, each Power has more specific goals which are unique
to that Power, and to the current political climate. For example,
let us examine Turkey's initial goals and how they relate to an
early war with Russia. Turkey's starting goals are to keep the
Black Sea and Aegean Sea free of foreign fleets and to open a
route of expansion through either the Balkans or the Mediterranean.
Hence, the only political goal which can be accomplished by attacking
Russia is to prevent Russia from investing the Black Sea or adjacent
areas, specifically Armenia and Bulgaria. As long as Russia is
restricted to one southern fleet, this goal can be accomplished
by occupying the Black Sea ourselves and keeping Armenia either
friendly or neutral. If this has been accomplished, there is
no further reason for us to attack Russia. If Russia attacks
us or brings a second fleet into being, then we can accomplish
our goals in the war by the occupation of Sevastopol and the destruction
of her fleets. Once this has been accomplished, Turkey cannot
immediately benefit from war with Russia, and should seek to make
peace.
Perhaps an obvious point, and certainly one which only inexperienced
players routinely forget. The lesson here is that we cannot formulate
beautiful offensive plans and expect our opponent to calmly fold
under our attack. As long as the opponent is not defeated, he
dictates the course of our conflict as much as we do ourselves.
If Italy decides to invade France, he cannot rely on the brilliance
of his attack through Marseilles alone to carry the day for him
- he must expect that the French player will respond by penetrating
the Mediterranean in an attempt to contest the annexation of Marseilles,
and additionally to threaten outlying Italian provinces such as
Tunis, Naples, and Rome itself. We cannot rely on the opponent
to restrict his efforts to provinces of our choosing. A complete
plan of attack takes into account ALL possible counters by the
opponent, and takes steps to limit the enemy's options.
This, in effect, is a fancy way of saying that the player is as
important as the position. Statistically speaking, the Russian
player has the least to gain from a three-way partition of Austria,
while Turkey gains the most. Yet very few advanced Diplomacy
players accept that a Turkish player will always push for such
a partition, while the Russian player will always fight against
it. Cold rationality is never the sole driving force behind policy,
and those who neglect the effects of personality are usually the
most indignant at their losses. Far more positions have been
saved by an accurate reading of an opponent's temperment and tendencies
than by a strictly logical view of the conflict.
Let us turn to the example of a moderately successful England
in the early mid-game who faces a German Power. There are three
basic political goals which may entice England to war upon the
German player: 1) Germany has a large fleet and challenges England's
coastal security; 2) England wishes to expand and central Europe
seems a likely route; 3) Germany, though land-locked, is more
powerful than any of the other Powers, and is thus a threat to
the balance of power. If England is fighting to maintain the
security of her home centers, she may be expected to fight as
long as she is able and with all of her available forces. If
the only purpose of the war, however, is to pick up easy centers,
then the attack may reasonably be called off, and peace made,
if Germany turns out to be a much more formidable opponent than
expected. It is important to remember that you should not feel
locked into a long and costly war just because it has been undertaken
- committing a large percentage of your forces into a slow, deadlocking
war can lead to dangerous situations which are not easily corrected
by the one or two supply centers you may gain in the long run.
At least in the early stages of the game, the total destruction
of an opponent is rarely feasible, and we may increase our chances
of success by requiring minimal sacrifices of our opponents.
Perhaps the best example of this is an English assault on St.
Peterburgh. If the English goal is the destruction of the Russian
player, then he must occupy STP with an army. The Russian player,
knowing that such a strategy entails his destruction, will resist
such a move with all of his power. On the other hand, if the
English player merely intends to deny the Russians naval access
to the northern oceans, then he may propose to occupy STP with
a fleet. Such a move, while damaging, does not presage the general
destruction of the Russian Power, and hence may not be resisted
as strongly.
This is an important rule which should not only be the basis of
your negotiations, but should also influence how you conduct the
war. If possible, one should always negotiate from a position
of power, since the concessions demanded may be correspondingly
greater. It is much harder for France to strike a good bargain
once Iberia has been lost and Burgundy invested with foreign units.
In this instance, France requires peace to be concluded at any
cost, while it is presumed that the opponent can easily carry
on the conflict.
Even though negotiation plays a large role in Diplomacy, it must
not be forgotten that all negotiations are based on the possibility
of conflict. If Russia convinces Austria to abandon Rumania peacefully,
this action is only valid on the presumption that, should they
go to war over the province, Austria would lose, and in losing,
would expose herself to the danger of even greater loss. There
is no altruism in Diplomacy, merely respect for another's potential
force. This fact can be seen in many of the standard moves in
Diplomacy - England typically gets Norway peacefully because only
he can initial take it by force. Germany typically gets Denmark
for the same reason. A player should NEVER forget that the decision
by arms is the final arbiter, and that either opponent can force
an engagement at any time. If one relies too much on deviousness
and bluff, he may find that the enemy's right to force a violent
resolution to the crisis has caught him unprepared. In other
words, 'He must always keep an eye on his opponent so that
he does not, if the latter has taken up a sharp sword, approach
him armed only with an ornamental rapier.'
Don't believe everything you hear - of course, all good Dip players know this. The true worth of this knowledge is the realization that it is the nature of man to exagerrate the bad news, and to doubt the good. Do not let unfounded rumours cause you paralysis in your moves - trust in your judgement, and stand like a rock upon which the waves break in vain. Above all, never let intelligence reports rob you of your initiative and self-confidence, for you are easy to manipulate in such a state, and will end up benefitting your allies far more than yourself.
Joseph Wheeler (corwin@wam.umd.edu) |
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